Opposition In Iraq

The Patriotic opposition

- Visit of the Delegation of The Iraqi National Coalition to Baghdad and its Talks with the Iraqi Officials
- National Reconcilement and democracy: Our Way to Resist and Defeat the American Aggression

- “Iraqi Communist Party’s support of embargo is crime” Interview with Ahmed Karim, National Democratic Communist Movement of Iraq

- Report from the 3rd congress of the Iraqi Patriotic Opposition

- Interview  with Abd al-Jabbar al-Kubaysi, leader of patriotic Iraqi opposition

- They might take Baghdad, but not the entire country

 

- Unveiled - the thugs Bush wants in place of Saddam (22/09/02)

- Who is the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq?

- Iraq: Funding For Iraqi Opposition Groups

- STORIES ON Iraqi opposition

- Where is the opposition in Iraq? Pursuing its own vicious quarrels, writes Said Aburish

- James Woolsey's law firm represents the INC

- US picks Saddam's successor: General Nizar Khazraji

- LAWSUIT AGAINST General Nizar Al-khazraji (23/3/02)

- Washington fetes its enemy's enemy - Doubts about Iraqi opposition leader's probity are put to one side

- America 'chasing phantoms' in Iraq says arms expert

- BAGHDAD: Opposition forces target oil installations

- U.S. Suspends Funding to Iraqi Opposition Group

- IRAQI OPPOSITION FIGURE DESCRIBES AFTERMATH OF SADDAM HUSSEIN
Arabic News, 18th February

- KURDISH PARTIES OPPOSE TOPPLING SADDAM Arabic News, 16th February

- Ex-General Works to Topple Saddam [Account of Nizar al-Khazraji who, whether or not he was actually responsible for the use of chemical weapons against Halabja, was clearly involved in the war against the Kurds and is now tipped as Washington¹s man to replace Saddam.]

- US pursues ex-generals to topple Iraq leader [Dispute between the apparently virtually non-existent INC and a bunch of Saddam Hussein lookalikes.]
- Iraq in the balance:  The Bush team is looking for some former Iraqi generals to help oust Saddam Hussein. NEWSWEEK has tracked down the top candidates. They’re all veterans of war-and a few may be war criminals.

•  The Iraqi opposition
•  Secret Empire: Iraq

Iraq's major opposition groups
Please see the contact details at the end if you are able to add to or correct any of this information.

Iraqi National Congress (INC, al-Mutamar al-Watani al-Iraqi): created in June 1992 to provide an umbrella for the disputing opposition factions; founding conference comprised of 300 delegates in Vienna, and (crucially) included KDP and PUK participation. This was followed by a meeting of 170 representatives of Iraqi opposition groups in Salahuddin, Iraqi Kurdistan in Oct92, which incorporated SCIRI for the first time. Initially received the affiliation of 19 opposition groups, and the support of the CIA. External base in London. Conceived and led by Ahmad Chalabi (a Shia Muslim who left Iraq in 1958 and Amman in 1989: profiles from 1999, Feb02, Jul02, Aug02), although formally led by a 26-member Executive Council and a tripartite Presidential Council (which includes Sharif Ali bin al-Husayn). Based in Iraq at Salahuddin (north of Irbil) from Oct92, and brokered PUK-KDP truce after intra-Kurdish fighting began in May94. Coup attempt of 5Mar95, in league with Maj.-Gen. Wafiq Jassim al-Samarrai (see HCNS notes below) failed when the US pulled out at the last moment, and the anticipated uprising in south/central Iraq did not occur. A number of member groups, including al-Dawa al-Islamiyya, the Iraqi Democratic Union and the Arab Nationalist Party, pulled out of the INC in 1995. Salahuddin base was routed by Iraqi forces on Aug96 incursion, with approx.200 of its personnel killed, and it has not been able to reconstruct this presence since. Supports the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, and his replacement by a democratic federal state. Funded by the US from its inception, reportedly receiving over $100 million in the first half of the 1990s; overtly funded after the US Congress passed the Iraq Liberation Act 1998, which granted the opposition $97 million for military equipment, Pentagon training and facilities (and $2 million in broadcasting funds). Was funded for activities inside Iraq before Aug96, and again from Feb01. Is currently receiving an annual budget of $8 million. Retains support of the Pentagon and the US presidency (Dick Cheney is a long-time supporter), but distrusted by the State Department after financial irregularities, and by the CIA & British foreign office; due to lack of State funding, it had to shut down its TV station, Liberty TV (which began in Aug01), in May02. Held discussions in July 2002 with the INM about establishing a provisional government (reports collected here), but plans were postponed after internal disagreements. Reports from Aug02 that the Department of Defense has taken over the funding responsibility for the INC, and was given a leading role in the 9Aug meeting of the opposition groups with US officials in Washington, effectively displacing the "Group of 4". London office is headed by Faisal Qaragholi, a petroleum engineer. Washington director is Intifadh K. Qanbar. Other spokespersons include Nabil Mousawi. Website here. Overview of US support is provided in CRS Report.

Iraqi National Accord (INA, al-Wifaq): created in 1990, on the initiative of Turki ibn Faysal, with the support of the CIA, and Jordanian and British agencies. Largely made up of Bathists and former military officers who oppose Saddam Hussein's leadership; main constituency is Sunni Arabs in central Iraq. Originally under Saudi sponsorship, who helped INA to establish radio station, Voice of Free Iraq. Arranged bomb blasts in Iraq fronm 1994 to demonstrate its credibility: included the bombing of a Baghdad cinema, which killed civilians; and outside Bath newspaper offices. Abu Amneh al-Khadami, who claims to have organised the bombings, stated in January 1996 that these bombings were carried out to impress the CIA. Also reportedly bombed INC headquarters in Salahuddin in October 1995; the CIA investigated, but did not release results. Counselled the US against supporting the INC / Samarrai coup attempt of Mar95, in favour of its own military scheme, which was scheduled to take place on 26Jun96. This had emerged out of a plan from Retd Gen. Muhammad Abdullah al-Shahwani, an ethnic Turkoman with 3 sons in the Revolutionary Guard, who had contacted the INA in Aug94. The INA in turn contacted MI6, and details were passed onto the CIA, whose operatives within UNSCOM helped coordinate the coup attempt: the Iraqi government became aware of the plot in advance, and 120 coup plotters were arrested (& mostly executed) by the Iraqi regime. This left the INA very weak inside Iraq. However, it kept up close links with the CIA, who reorganised it from 1996, and UK intelligence; it remains the preferred CIA group, and the only national organisation in the "Group of 4" (with KDP, PUK and SCIRI). Activities in Iraq declined after Aug96 hostilities; retains offices in Dahuk, Sulaymaniyya, Zakhu, Salahuddin and Irbil. Main base is in Amman (established in Feb96). Led by Dr Iyad Alawi (former president of the Iraqi Student Union in Europe, later a successful businessman, with good links to Iraqi Bathists). Other leaders include Gen. Adnan Nuri (formerly of the Republican Guard, who secured funding from the CIA in 1992), Salih Omar Ali al-Tikriti (former Iraqi ambassador to the UN, from the 1970s until 1982; head of the London office of Iraqi Freight Services until 1990; despite co-founding the INA with Alawi, he has withdrawn from a leadership role after a dispute over the Saudi funding of the radio station, which was reportedly embezzled), Dr Tahseen Muala (the medical practitioner who had tended Saddam's wounds after the failed assassination attempt on Qasim in 1959) and Salal al-Shaykly. Website here; extracts from its Charter are here.
Sources are Hiro (2001 and articles in Middle East International); Cockburn and Cockburn (1998).

Iraqi National Movement (INM): established in 2001, as a Sunni-dominated split from INC. Made up of between 40 and 100 former Sunni Muslim military officers and political leaders. Sec-Gen. is Maj-Gen Hasan al-Naqib; other co-founders and leaders include Mudhar Shawkat, Hatim Mukhlis (deputy Sec-Gen), Maj-Gen Mahdi Abdallah, Maj-Gen Sa'ib Hilmi, Baha Shabib, Maj-Gen Bara al-Rubay'i, Brig-Gen Ahmad al-Samarra'i, Col Adl al-Juburi, Maj-Gen Khalid al-Ubaydi, and Brig-Gen Imad al-Ansari. Washington representative is Thair Nakib (profile here). Held a meeting with Wayne A. Downing, US deputy national security adviser for combating terrorism, at the Willard Inter-Continental Hotel in Washington in late Feb02. After that, the State Department requested the provision of $315,000 to the INM, to be used to maintain offices in Damascus & build links between the Arab States and the opposition groups. Argues that a small US invading force would lead to extensive Iraqi army defections. News profile is here.

Iraqi Communist Party (ICP, al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Iraqi): Established in 1934, and came to significance in the early 1940s when it was tolerated to a greater extent due to the Soviet Union's joining with the Allies in WWII. Drew support mostly from urban Shi'a communities, especially rural migrants into the cities, and Kurds: it was the first national grouping to develop policy on the Kurdish question (its 1st newspaper, Kifah al-Sha'b, gave support to Kurdish rights). Gained prominence in the 1948 unrest, when it organised the famous strike for higher wages at Haditha petroleum pumping station in March 1948 that culminated in a march ("al-Masira al-Kubra") on Baghdad that was stopped at Faluja. Came to dominate trade unions and mass organisations during this period. In response, its leaders were persecuted: Yusuf Salman Yusuf Fahd (First Secretary), Husayn Muhammad al-Shabiba & Zaki Basim (politburo members) were hung in public on 14-15 Feb 1949, and became symbols for future activists. Result was increased prestige but diminished capacity: only began to recover under Baha' al-Din Nuri in 1952 demonstrations in Baghdad. Also created a front organisation, the Partisans of Peace, in 1950 which - under 'Ali Mahmud and the lawyer / poet Kamil Qazanchi - grew in strength. Its front organisations joined with the National Democratic Party (NDP) and Istiqlal into an opposition front for the Jun54 elections: it won 11 seats, but the Regent and Nuri al-Said prorogued parliament soon after. Started taking on pan-Arabist slogans from 1956; and, despite widespread intimidation, organised another opposition front with the NDP and Ba'th in Feb 1957.

The ICP had no direct role in the Qasim coup of 1958 (although at one least one politburo member, Kamil 'Umar Nadhmi, was aware of the plans), and although it was initially supportive of the new government, it was not invited to participate in it. ICP was a radical reformist rather than a revolutionary party, focusing on working conditions and better service provision, and campaigning for democratic constitutional government; but it was strongly distrusted by the Iraqi political elite, and by Qasim himself. However, the ICP was the most extensive (and rapidly growing) political force in Iraq, building up support in Baghdad, S. Iraq and Kurdistan, and with control over the students', women's, youth & professional unions by 1959: Qasim needed to accommodate it. It opposed the UAR's formation (in opposition to Deputy PM 'Abd al-Salam 'Arif), holding a rally on 7 Aug 1958 for federalism rather than unity; and its support was drawn upon by Qasim in deposing 'Arif and vying with Nasir. Qasim appointed only 1 ICP minister in a minor role (Naziha al-Dulaimi as Minister of Municipalities, until Nov 1960; 2 other ICP sympathisers also given minor ministerial posts). The Mosul nationalist rebellion followed an ICP rally there on 6 March 1959 which had aimed to demonstrate its popularity in a known anti-Qasim town: the murder of Qazanchi led to large-scale ICP revenge attacks. The Ba'th and NDP decisively broke with ICP over this, and the Ba'th formed alliances with the military through which it persecuted ICP members. 500,000 demonstrated for stronger communist role in government on 1 May 1959, but ICP central committee made the decision not to attempt to seize power by force but to continue to press for free elections and the legalisation of the party. The Kirkuk riots of July 1969 were used by Qasim to discredit the ICP, blaming them publicly for the deaths: leading communists were arrested, ICP-supporting army officers were dismissed, & the party was persecuted (refused legalisation, and its press was shut down) thereafter, despite political liberalization in other spheres from Jan 1960. Lost majority control over many of the trade unions in early 1960.

After the Feb 1963 coup, ICP members were systematically targetted by the Ba'th - suspicion of foreign involvement in this. Its First Secretary, Salam 'Adil, was among those killed. Although repression lessened after the Nov 1963 coup, the party finally split over the form that opposition to the 'Arifs' rule should take: 'Aziz al-Hajj led a rival Baghdad-based faction (which became known as the Central Command) from Sept67 that planned guerrilla attacks out of the southern marshes and began sabotage operations in Jan 1969 (its members were captured and al-Hajj publicly recanted). The ICP central committee, who retained majority support, did not actively pursue this line.

After the July 1968 coup, the Ba'th surprisingly offered 3 ministerial posts to the ICP; but ICP made participation conditional upon full democratisation. The Ba'th declined, but continued negotiations with ICP leaders (and allowed some of its publications) whilst harrassing (and in some cases assassinating) its activists. As the Ba'th built stronger links with East European countries, and proclaimed a National Action Charter of Nov 1971 which spoke of the need for an alliance with "progressive forces", the ICP began negotiations and publicly accepted participation in a National Progressive Front (NPF) government in April 1972 when treaty with Soviet Union was signed: ICP leaders 'Amir Abdullah and Mukarram Talabani appointed to cabinet on 15 May 1972, the NPF comes into operation in July 1973, the ICP is legalised for the 1st time, and it ceases criticism of the Ba'th government. Ba'th used the NPF to extend its control over mass organisations that had previously been dominated by the ICP, eg by creating "common lists" of candidates for organisational posts in which the Ba'thists held priority. The ICP's new freedom had brought considerable benefits: its newspaper, Tariq al-Sha'b, sold 6.7m copies in 1975. But with the Kurdish revolt crushed in 1975, the Ba'th decided it could dispense with ICP support, and began its repression of it. The ICP began from its May 1976 conference to call for more extensive democratisation. With escalating tension, the ICP began to openly criticise Ba'th policies on the Kurds in March 1978; in reply, the Ba'th began to apply the death penalty for soldiers engaged in ICP activity (12 soldiers sentenced to death in May 1978). The NPF was formally dissolved in March 1979 when the ICP left the Front, and it was proscribed.

The ICP gave support to Iran in the 1980-88 war; and joined the IKF (see KDP, below) in 1992 (?). Had bases in northern Iraq, but many were routed in the August 1996 fighting; it retains offices in Shaqlawa and Sulaymaniyya. Member of the Coalition of Iraqi National Forces, launched on 23 June 2002 with a "National Action Charter", which commits the groups to the overthrow of Saddam Husayn without "foreign interference", the lifting of sanctions, the establishment of a democracy and the preservation of Iraq's unity; other major participants are the Dawa and the pro-Syrian Iraqi Bath. Also has good links with the main Kurdish groups. Publications include the periodical Tariq al-Shab. Leaders include Aziz Muhammad (the party's First Secretary), Hamid Majid Musa (Secretary of Central Committee) and Subhi al-Jamayli (representative in the UK). Website here.
Source for pre-1990 information is largely Sluglett & Sluglett (1990).

Iraqi National Coalition (often referred to as the Iraqi National Council; al-I'tilaf al-Watani al-Iraqi): an umbrella group of former officers, established in March 2000 (? some reports place earlier; but its site claims this date) by former Brigadier Tawfiq al-Yasiri (b.1944/5, a Shi'ite), head of Iraq's military academy and naval officer, who was wounded at the uprising at Babylon in 1991; taken to Saudi Arabia & then to London; claims he was the target of assassination attempt in 1998. Also includes former General Saad Ubeidi, the former head of psychological operations in the Iraqi army. Was scheduled to hold a conference in Washington in Apr02, but postponed; 3-day conference of 70 former officers held in Kensington Town Hall, London in Jul02. Yasiri says that he envisions an army uprising, triggered by US air support; but is opposed to a full US invasion. Has good relations with Wafiq al-Samarrai (see HCNS notes) and Najib al-Salihi (see FOM notes); and includes Salihi in the 15-man "military council" established on 14Jul02, and whose spokesman is Yasiri; the "Covenant of Honour" of the military council, committing itself to returning power to civilian rule on the overthrow of the present regime, is here. Opened "volunteer centres" around the world on 23Aug02, to recruit and train Iraqi exiles to fight Iraqi forces, alongside American troops. The INC's website contains an extensive "definition" of the Coalition (also here).

Arab Socialist Bath Party - Iraq Command. The pro-Syrian wing of the Bath. Member of the Coalition of Iraqi National Forces (see ICP entry).

Constitutional Monarchy Movement: led by Sharif Ali bin al-Husayn (b.1956), the cousin of the deposed and killed King Faisal II, and London-based banker. Favours a constitutional monarchy with an elected government. Affiliated to INC, within which Sharif Ali is a member of the presidency council. Website here.

Free Officers' Movement: Established in 1996 and led by Brigadier-General Najib al-Salihi. Claims it can raise 30,000 fighters. Biography of Salihi: b.1951/52. A Sunni Muslim who appears to have support among the Shi'a (he comes from a large tribe - the Bani Salih - which embraces Sunni and Shi'a Muslims and some Turkmen). Commander of an armoured division of the Republican Guard in the Gulf War (and wrote a book on the 1991 uprising, al-Zilzal, The Earthquake, 1998); and against INC lines in Mar95. Defected in 1995. Favours a three-pronged infantry assault on Baghdad from Kurdish Iraq, Kuwait and, if possible, Jordan, without the use of US ground troops. He has avoided giving the impression of power-hungriness, and at conferences in the US has argued that the military should not be directly engaged in politics. He emerged as front-runner in an internet poll conducted by Iraq.net to find who Iraqis would most like to lead a transitional government. The poll was abandoned after a few days, allegedly because of suspicious voting activity, but possibly because it showed little popular support for other prominent figures. Interviews here; another short biography here.
Higher Council for National Salvation (HCNS): Denmark-based grouping established by Wafiq Jassim al-Samarra'i (former head of Iraqi Military Intelligence with the rank of Major-General, defected in Dec94; supporting covert operations to assassinate Saddam Husayn; instigated the plans for the Mar95 coup attempt in league with the INC). The HCNS was established on 1 August 2002: its first statement, here, calls for Saddam Husayn's exile to another Arab country and his continued personal security; it claims to have the support of "170 military men and 150 civilians, including former politicians, tribes clans, former ambassadors and business men".
Free Iraq Council: London-based organisation, led by Sa‘d Jabr, son of Iraq's first Shi'a prime minister Salih Jabr (Mar47-Jan48). [NB: unclear if this is an outgrowth of the Umma party, established 1982]. Had attempted to coordinate anti-Saddam forces in Iraq from Feb92, but coup attempts were aborted when their plot was uncovered in Apr92 and 300 officers and civilians were arrested, with many executed. Jabr blamed the US for leaking his plans to the Iraqi regime. Jabr is a Shi‘a Muslim with US citizenship, though lives in London; he had a letter on 23/12/98 in The Independent claiming himself to be most long serving Iraqi exile politician and chair of the most widely representative exile group, but that he was being ignored by the UK government. Has been critical of the INC's plans, eg of plans for a provisional government in Jul02.
Revolutionary Workers Party (RWP): a grouping made up of leftist Ba'thists, established in 1965 by Hani al-Fekaiki (b.1936, member of the ruling Revolutionary Command Council from 1963), Yasin al-Hafid, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid. Role inside Iraq diminished from 1979, when Fekaiki left the country and moved to London. He later took a role in the founding of the INC, and was the deputy chairman of its executive council; died in Jan97. Fekaiki's autobiography is Dens of Defeat.
Source: Middle East International 544 (21 Feb 1997), p.14.
Worker-Communist Party of Iraq (IWCP, al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Ummali al-Iraqi): established in 1993 out of a merger between smaller communist groups. Details from here: The IWCP is represented in KDP territory although, strictly speaking, an illegal party there, not being officially registered and authorised to engage in political activities. The IWCP increasingly includes extreme left-wing Iranians. The party's supposed anti-nationalist and anti-religious leanings cause friction with the KDP and have of late also been giving rise to trouble with the PUK. The IWCP is nevertheless officially represented in PUK territory, having its head office and radio station in Sulaymaniyya. The party publishes the newspaper "Bopeshawa". Relations between the IWCP and the PUK could until a short while ago be described as reasonably good. The PUK used to assist the IWCP by means of monthly donations. Recently, however, some tension has arisen, partly as a result of an accusation of illegal fund-raising levelled at the IWCP by the PUK and an investigation into IWCP involvement in the death of two former IWCP members. There are also rumours abroad of an IWCP rapprochement with Baghdad. Fierce animosity is felt between the IWCP and the Islamic Movement in Kurdistan. The IWCP arouses irritation, not only on the part of the IMIK, by its extreme political views, which often run directly counter to Kurdish traditions (eg the playing of the Internationale at the funeral of the IWCP's founder, Farad Farraj). The IMIK was suspected of involvement in the murder of two IWCP members in Sulaymaniyya in October 1999. The IWCP earlier accused "Islamic groups in the city of Irbil" of the murder of two IWCP members on 18 April 1998.
Democratic Centrist Tendency (DCT): Led by Adnan Pachachi, former Iraqi foreign minister and ambassador to the UN (a Sunni Muslim); official spokesman is Ghasan al-Atiyah (upon whom a Baghdad special court passed a death sentence in absentia in Sept00, on the grounds that he met with Israelis in a Cairo conference in Aug00; has been "disowned" by his tribe, Al Humaydat from the Shamiyah district. Supported by the US.

al-Dawa al-Islamiyya (Islamic Call): Established in 1968, based on the Association of Najaf 'ulama, a political religious organisation that had been established in late 1958 to combat "atheism" (ie communism). A leading figure in the establishment of both organisations had been Muhammad Baqr al-Sadr, the highly influential author of Falsafatuna and Iqtisaduna, the latter being largely directed at communist theories. Also had the support of Muhsin al-Hakim (al-Tabataba'i), the most senior Shia ayatollah from Najaf, who had issued a fatwa in 1960 proscribing membership of the ICP. al-Dawa was strongest in Najaf-Karbala region, and developed a strongly anti-secular revolutionary agenda. Muhsin al-Hakim began a critique of the government's oppression of Shi'a religious leaders and practices in 1969 (and died in 1970); persecution began in the early 1970s. 5 of its leaders were executed in December 1974. Was key organiser of the rioting in February 1977 among the Shi‘a of southern Iraq, esp Najaf, when police interfered with a religious procession from Najaf to Karbala; Hakim's son, Muhammad Baqr al-Hakim was subsequently arrested, and became a main Shi'a opposition leader on his release. Strongly supported the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and many of its leaders had strong personal ties with Ayatollah Khomeini (especially Muhammad Baqr al-Sadr, now an Ayatollah). Intensely repressed, and membership made punishable by death. al-Sadr was arrested in early 1979, and denied contact with the outside world. Claimed responsibility for the 1 April 1980 attempted assassination of Tariq Aziz, Iraq's deputy PM, in Baghdad, in revenge for the execution of its members. In reprisal, Sadr and his sister Bint al-Huda were executed on 9 April 1980. Now is based in Tehran, and supporting the establishment of an Islamic state in Iraq. Member of the Coalition of Iraqi National Forces (see ICP entry). Spokespersons include Ibrahim al-Jafari and Abu-Bilal al-Adib, member of the Political Bureau. Website here; a small breakaway faction controls this website.

Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI): the main Shia opposition party, with its main constituency in Southern Iraq and its base in Tehran. Was established in 1982, and was led by Muhammad Baqr al-Hakim until 1985, thereafter by a collective leadership (though Hakim remains dominant); Hakim was named by Ayatollah Khomeini as the head of an Islamic Republic of Iraq. Estimates of its strength vary: it probably has approx.10,000 guerrillas in total, largely made up of Iraqi Shi'a prisoners captured by Iran during the 1980-8 war; it has made claims to having 8000 operating inside south/central Iraq (including the Badr corps, operating out of Iran) and has claimed to have 70,000 fighters in 2 training camps in Sulaymaniyya. Was selected by the US for funding through the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, an offer which it refused. In Dec01, seemed to welcome outside military intervention to topple Saddam, and supported a 1-year transitional government followed by elections; however, from early 2002 (and Bush's inclusion of Iran within the "axis of evil"), voiced opposition (Feb, Mar, Jun) to a US invasion of Iraq, arguing that this would cause unnecessary suffering & lead to a US occupation of the country. However, with Iranian permission, continues contacts with US, with a delegation headed by 'Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim (Muhammad Baqr's son or brother?) attending the Washington meeting on 9Aug02; continued to oppose US military action after the meeting. Other leaders include Hamid al-Bayati (spokesperson, based in London), Muhammad al-Haydari (head of the Political Bureau), Ibrahim Hammudi (Hakim's political advisor), and Bayan Jabr (Damascus rep; seems to coordinate with US). Still participates in "Group of 4" meetings (with INA, PUK & KDP) to coordinate opposition outside the framework of the INC. Website here.

Iraqi Islamic Forces Union: faction split from SCIRI in 2002 (?). Opposed to coordination with the US in overthrowing Saddam Hussein. Members of the provisional leadership include Abu-Haydar al-Asadi.

Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) : historically, the main Kurdish party in Northern Iraq; led at present by Mas'ud Barzani. Established by Mullah Mustafa Barzani in Tehran in December 1945, as the Kurdish Democratic Party, after Ahmad Barzani (Mustafa's brother) launched a Kurdish insurgency for independence from Iraq in 1931, which was finally crushed by a joint Iraqi-Turkish campaign in 1935. Its first congress in Baghdad on 16Aug46 elected Hamza Abdallah as its Sec-Gen, Barzani as its President in exile, Sheikh Latif (son of Mahmud Berzendji) & Ziyad Agah as vice presidents. Drew its main support from the Barzani, Baradusti and Surchi tribes, although came to win support from all areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. Returned to Iraq in the wake of Qasim's coup of 1958 (when it changed its name to its current form), began negotiations with the new government, and was legalised in Jan60. Relations deteriorated from 1960, and intense conflict with Iraqi troops from 1961-66 (except for ceasefire from 1964 to Apr65). Accepted the Jun66 agreement (which quickly broke down); and relaunched armed rebellion with the Mar69 attack on Kirkuk oil refinery. This led to negotiations between Mustafa Barzani and Saddam Husayn, which culminated in the 11Mar70 agreement; the KDP secured a general amnesty for its members, received official funding and administered northern Iraq as the local government from 1970. It rejected the March 1974 Autonomy Law, due to the dispute on the area of the Autonomous Region; the rebellion restarted in Apr74. Supported by Iran (when 2 Iranian regiments entered KDP controlling regions of Iraq in Jan75 on KDP invitation, full-scale war was narrowly averted through Turkish, then Algerian, mediation) until the Algiers accord of Mar75, which resulted in the withdrawal of Iranian & US support for the KDP's rebellion, which subsequently collapsed. In the aftermath of the 1975 collapse, Barzani went into exile in Iran and then the US; the PUK split off. Mustafa's sons, Mas'ud (b.16Aug46) and Idris Barzani, took command of the KDP ("KDP - Provisional Command"), with Mas'ud as official leader from 1979, when Mustafa died. Rapprochement with the PUK in 1987, forming the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (IKF) in Jul87. The IKF led the uprising in north Iraq after the Gulf War, and negotiated ceasefire terms with the Iraqi government. Won 45% in the June 1992 elections in Northern Iraq. Participated in the Vienna establishment of the INC, and became a main player within it. Absorbed three smaller Kurdish parties in 1993: the Kurdistan Popular Democratic Party (KPDP); the Kurdistan Socialist Party of Iraq (KSPI); and the Popular Alliance of Socialist Kurdistan (PASOK), which had previously been part of the "Unity Party of Kurdistan" coalition (and which had all been part of the IKF from 1987/88). Defected from Mar95 INC coup attempt on CIA advice, at the last moment. Invited Iraqi forces into Kurdish areas, to recapture Irbil from the PUK (and so destroy INC / US facilities), on 31Aug96. Reached 8Sept98 agreement with PUK to share administration of the Kurdish Autonomous Region, with KDP in control of Irbil and Dahuk governorates (and headquartered in Irbil). Was also engaged through much of the 1990s in combatting the PKK, in alliance with the Turkish armed forces. Since 15Feb02, has come into conflict with Turkey, with Turkey limiting trade (especially in diesel) through KDP crossings, and low-level military clashes; the origin of the dispute seems to be over Turkish demands that the KDP drop its claim to Kirkuk, out of concern that this will strengthen Kurdish nationalism; Turkey did not allow Barzani to leave for the Washington conference of 9Aug. The KDP has drawn up a draft constitution for a "Federal Republic of Iraq," consisting of an Arab and a Kurdish region, in Jul02; but remains suspicious of US attempts to use Kurdish-controlled areas of Iraq from which to plan or launch an attack. Other leaders include Hoshyar Zebari (head of the KDP International Relations Bureau), Safeen Dizayee (Ankara representative). Website here.

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK): formed in March 1975 as a Leninist opposition grouping to the Barzani clan; led by Jalal Talabani (b.1933, former central committee member of the KDP; interviews of 2000 and Dec 2001), and incorporating non-KDP groupings, the Komala of Nawshirwan Mustafa and Socialist Movement of Kurdistan of Ali Askari. Was critical of the KDP's joint operation with the Iranian government in Jul83 at Hajj Umran, and opened talks with the Iraqi government on autonomy. These collapsed in January 1985, in dispute over the area of the autonomous region, and the PUK launched its major insurrection against the Ba'th government, drawing on Iranian support. It signed a cooperation agreement with Iran in October 1986, vowing to fight together until the overthrow of the Ba'th government. This resulted in the PUK being designated as Zumrat Umala' Iran (Band of Iranian Agents). Had taken control of Halabja in Mar88 when Iraq's chemical bombardment began. Was a founder member of the IKF and INC. Won 44% in the June 1992 elections in Northern Iraq. Alliance with Iran during the intra-Kurdish conflict of the early 1990s, particularly when the PUK invited the 72-hour incursion by Iranian forces into Kurdish areas, focused on the KDP camp at Koi Sanjaq, which began on 28July96. Controls the Sulaymaniyya governorate (and is headquartered in Sulaymaniyya town) as well as parts of Ta'mim, Salah al-Din and Diyala governorates ("New Kirkuk"); its prime minister of this region is Barham Salih. Has drawn away from Iranian sponsorship and towards Saudi Arabian and Turkish support; Talabani has also been more supportive of US plans to invade Iraq, and called for US cooperation with PUK forces to liberate Iraq in Aug02, an offer he subsequently denied making. Has also been engaged in conflict with the PKK, with heavy fighting in the Qandil range in Oct 2000. Other leaders include Muhammad Sabir, who heads the PUK's Washington office, and Bafil Talabani who is the representative to the US. Website here.

Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party (KSDP): splinter group from the KDP, led by Hama Hadji Mahmud, emerging out of some of the KSPI who turned against their incorporation into the KDP. Receives support of PUK and Iran, and has bad relations with the KDP. Its executive is based in Sulaymaniyya. Website here (under construction).

Islamic Movement of Iraqi Kurdistan (IMIK): founded in 1986 by Shaykh Uthman Abd al-Aziz and several other Sunni mullahs who were all part of the non-political "Union of Religious Scholars" (Yaketi Mamostayani Ayni Islami, Ittihad Ulama al-Din). The foundation was officially ratified in 1998. The IMIK operates from Halabja; it won 6% in the June 1992 elections in Northern Iraq, the 3rd largest total. IMIK holds two ministerial posts in the PUK-dominated government from Sulaymaniyya; and the PUK ceded control of territory around Halabja, Tawella, and Panjwin to it. In the region controlled by the IMIK, the party has set up its own infrastructure. Uthman Abd al-Aziz was appointed as a mufri (religious judge) by the IMIK in 1998, and moved to Irbil with a number of followers. The leadership of the party is currently in the hands of his brother Mullah Ali Abd al-Aziz Halabji, who has his office in Halabja. Receives aid from Iran and (reportedly) from Saudi Arabia, which may have financed the spread of Wahhabism; it also was selected by the US for funding from 1998. It has offices in various towns in Northern Iraq, including Sulaymaniyya and Irbil. From late 2000, has used the name of the Islamic Unity Movement. Details taken from here and here.
Kurdistan Revolutionary Party (KRP): The Kurdistan Revolutionary Party was set up in 1972 after a conflict with Mustafa Barzani by a group of former members of the KDP. Two years later the KRP jointed the government-inclined National Progressive Front (NPF), the only organisation in Iraq to which parties other than the Bath Party are admitted. The Secretary-General of the party was Abd al-Sattar Tahir Sharif. He fled Iraq in 1999 (?). The party supports Baghdad and plays practically no active role in the part of Northern Iraq. Details taken from here.
Kurdish Revolutionary Hizbollah (KRH): The KRH was set up in 1988 and is a splinter group of the Kurdish Hizbollah. The KRH is under the leadership of Adham Barzani, a cousin of Mas'ud Barzani. The KRH is a small military organisation, which has a few offices in the vicinity of Diyana and Hadji Omran near the Iranian border. This organisation receives both military and financial support from Iran, but has little influence on Kurdish society. Details taken from here.
Conservative Party of Kurdistan (CPK/al-Muhafinin): The CPK was set up in late 1991/early 1992. The party is mainly clan-based and not very ideological. It has links with the Surchi tribe. At first it maintained normal contacts with the KDP and the PUK. Since 1995/1996, however, relations with the KDP have deteriorated considerably, with the KDP suspecting al-Muhafizin of ties with the PUK. The KDP raid on a Surchi village in 1996, in which the Surchi tribal chief at the time was killed, provides one explanation for deep-felt CPK grievances against the KDP. The CPK has since then in practice no longer been tolerated in KDP territory. The party has ceased to operate there, although the CPK has never officially been banned. The party does operate in PUK territory, though, and until recently had a minister in the PUK government. Details taken from here.
Kurdistan Islamic Union: The KIU is part of the Muslim Brotherhood. The branch in Kurdistan is in principle independent and is directly responsible for policy matters. The KIU receives a lot of support from various countries around the Arabian Gulf. The KIU is under the leadership of Salah al-Din Muhammad Baha' al-Din. Other leaders include Ali Muhammad Ahmad, Dendaar Najmen al-Doski and Umar Abd al-Aziz. The party is striving to set up an Islamic state in Iraq in which the rights of the Kurds are recognised. It is chiefly active among students (reportedly winning nearly 40% of the vote in Dahuk University student elections), but also has an adult political base, particularly in Irbil and enjoys good relations with both the PUK and the KDP. It professes non-violence, and supports the Islamic Kurdish League, which provides services to the poor. Details taken from here.
Kurdistan National Democratic Union (YNDK): set up in March 1996 in the province of Irbil where it also has its headquarters. The YNDK was in the first instance an extension of the PKK, but the founders of the former party quickly turned against the PKK. During the conflict between the KDP and the PUK the party split into two groups. One group was under the PUK and the PKK, the other under the KDP. The first group has meanwhile almost disappeared and some of its leaders have been murdered. There are thought to be fewer than 100 armed fighters linked to the YNDK. The party publishes a party newspaper under the name "Media". The aim of the party is the independence of Kurdistan. Details taken from here.
Kurdistan Toilers' Party (KTP, Zahmatkeshan): The left-leaning parti Zametkeshani Kurdistan, founded according to the party on 12 December 1985, publishes the newspaper "Alay Azadi" (Banner of Freedom) in Sulaymaniyya. A few cultural and ideological periodicals ("Pesh Kawtin" and "Nojan") are also reportedly published and television and radio programmes put out on its own broadcasting stations. The relatively small KTP is included in the PUK dominated government. The KTP does not enjoy good relations with the KDP and has no offices in KDP territory. There has, however, never been any serious confrontation between the two parties. Details taken from here.
Action Party for the Independence of Kurdistan (PKSK of PSKI): a splinter organisation of the ICP and was originally affiliated with both the PKK and the PUK. The party was initially under the leadership of Muhammad (Husayn) Halleq. However, he was murdered on 2 November 1995. After his murder, relations between the PKSK and the PUK became difficult because the PKSK accused the PUK of the murder. The PKSK is now trying to restore its relationship with the PUK. Contacts with the PKK have also deteriorated because the PKSK has taken the side of the KDP and opposes the presence of armed PKK fighters in North Iraq. The present leader of the party is thought to be Yusif Hanna Yusif, who is better known as Abu Hikmat. He is also a minister in the cabinet of the KDP in Irbil. At the moment there is some confusion about the question of where the offices of the PKSK are located. There are reports that the party also has offices in Sulaymaniyya and Rania. According to some reports, the office in Sulaymaniyya is said to be run by a so-called "carbon-copy party". Other sources state that these offices represent the actual PKSK, while on the contrary the office in Irbil is said to no longer belong to the "real" PKSK but to be controlled by a "carbon-copy party". The fairly small PKSK, led by Yusif Hanna Yusif ("Abu Hikmet"), is represented in the KDP government in Irbil, where the PKSK also has a party office. The party is on good terms with the KDP. Details taken from here.
al-Ansar / Ansar al-Islam / Jund al-Islam / Hamas: A grouping originally part of the IMIK based around Khurmal, which split off from it during a conference in early 1998, after the IMIK's decision to join the PUK government. It has been led by Najim al-Dien Faraj (Najmuddin Faraj), better known as Mullah Kerekaar, who lived in Pakistan in the 1980s and studied Islamic jurisprudence under the Abdullah Al-Zam (Usama bin Ladin's mentor); holds a Norwegian residence permit (but not citizenship) after earlier asylum claim in 1991. Other leaders include Umar 'Abd al-Karim 'Abd 'al-'Aziz (Umar Barziani), Makuwan Qazi Ramazan (Makuwan Muryasi), Abdullah al-Shafi'i (Mullah Wuria Hawleri) and Arsalan Ahmad Marif. Initially took the name Hamas and was an orthodox military grouping which became increasingly active in the PUK region but with no official responsibility. Several bomb attacks and murders which took place in Sulaymaniyya and Irbil in the first half of 1998 were attributed to Hamas. Over the subsequent years, Hamas first merged with another grouping, Tawhid (led by Mullah Abdul Ghani Bazazi in Irbil, later by Mullah Abu Bakr Hawleri), to form the Tawhid Islamic Front, which then merged in Sept 2001 with the the Second Soran Unit (led by Asad Muhammad Hasan = Aso Hawleri) to form Jund al-Islam. Reportedly killed 42-43 captured PUK fighters in the village of Khela Hama, nr Halabja, on 23 Sept 2001. Clashes continued until late November, when an agreement between those involved and the Iranian Government dissolved the Jund al-Islam and imposed a cease-fire. From Dec01, when Mullah Kerekaar took full charge of the organisation, the group has come to be called al-Ansar (Ansar al-Islam), reportedly taking funds, arms and personnel from al-Qa'ida (though unclear if this is put about by the PUK for self-serving reasons); also rumours of Iraqi intelligence support (though the Iraqi government has claimed that it provided arms to the PUK to fight Ansar al-Islam) and Iranian help. Controls villages in the area between Halabja and the Iranian border. Mullah Kerekaar was not allowed entry into Iran on 13Sept02, and was sent to Sweden, where he was arrested and then sent to Amsterdam.
Hamas details taken from here; sources on Jund al-Islam and al-Ansar are BBC report, Guardian article and MEIB article.

Turkomans People's Party: website here, founding statement here. Spokesman is Turhan Ketene.

Iraqi Turkman Front: Established in April 1995. A coalition of 26 Turkmen groups backed by the Turkish government. Ankara representative is Mustafa Ziya; Washington Representative is Orhan Ketene; other leaders include Aydin Beyatli. Strongly supports having a major role in the future governance of Kirkuk and Irbil, which it identifies at Turkmen territory, and thus a player in the 2002 conflict between the KDP and the Turkish government. Has voiced concerns over a US invasion over the "chaos" that would be caused in northern Iraq (17Sept02), but was subsequently invited to participate in US-coordinated opposition group meetings (18Sept). Website here.

Iraqi Turkoman Democratic Party: launched in London in late July 2002; led by Ahmet Gunes. Founding statement was highly critical of both the Iraqi regime and economic sanctions on Iraq; and supported federalism in Iraq, but with northern Iraq not as a specifically Kurdish enclave. Report on founding statement is here.

Assyrian Democratic Movement: opposition movement. Took up armed struggle against the Iraqi regime from 1982 under the leadership of Gewargis Khoshaba (Abu Venus), and joined the IKF in late 1990 / 1992 (?). Website here.

Assyrian National Congress: an umbrella group, based in California. Incorporates the Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party and the Assyrian American Leadership Council. Signed a confederation agreement with Najib al-Salihi's Free Officers Movement on 15Jun02. Website here.
Assyrian Patriotic Party: Website (here) states that it was established on 14Jul73, acting through the Assyrian Cultural Club in Baghdad. Came into alliance with the ADM until 1991, but has since acted independently in northern Iraq.

Assyrian Progressive Nationalist Party: based in Baghdad and pro-regime. Website here.

Other civil and minority-rights groups
Iraq Liberation Action Committee: US lobbying organisation.
The Iraqi Democratic Union: established in 1980, working among the Iraqi community in the US.
Iraq Institute for Democracy: led by Hussain Sinjari, a liberal democratic forum based in Irbil, Iraqi Kurdistan.
The Iraqi Jurists' Association: State Department announced its intention to all $410,000 to them from Jun02. Chaired by Dr Tariq Ali Salih, a former civilian and military judge in Iraq.
The Iraqi Human Rights Division
al-Khoei Foundation: established to support the teachings of Ayatullah Sayyid Abul-Qasim Musawi al-Khoei, the leading shi'a scholar and Grand Ayatullah of Najaf. A charitable organisation, but coordinates with the opposition to the Iraqi regime.
The Iraq Foundation
: US non-profit NGO working among Iraqi expatriates "for democracy and human rights in Iraq".
Kurdish Information Network
Kurdistan Regional Government: the coalition authority presently running Northern Iraq.
Kurdistan National Assembly: the quasi-legislative body in Northern Kurdistan, deriving from the June 1992 elections.
Washington Kurdish Institute: a research and educational organization, rather than a lobby group, that also maintains a searchable archive of news postings since June 1997.
Indict: campaigns for the creation of an ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal to try leading members of the Iraqi regime.

General Nizar al-Khazraji: b.1937/38, the highest-ranking military defector from Iraq. Served as Saddam's chief of staff from 1980 until 1991, leading the army through the Iran-Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990. Fled in 1996 and was granted political asylum in Denmark. Although the main Kurdish parties appear to support him, but a smaller Kurdish group has sought to have him prosecuted for war crimes. This relates to his alleged role in the use of chemical weapons against the Kurdish town of Halabja in 1988. Khazraji says the allegations have been invented by Iraqi intelligence services. There are claims that he was reluctant to leave Iraq, but that the CIA induced him to do so with promises of a major political role. In a newspaper interview he appeared eager to take over from Saddam, describing it as an honour and "a sacred duty". This may have damaged his leadership prospects because some in the Iraqi opposition now suspect his motives. He believes the Iraqi military will rise up against Saddam if they are supported by a lot of carefully targeted American firepower (much of the biographical information taken from here). Unclear if he is associated with Wafiq al-Samarra'i's Higher Council for National Salvation, also based in Denmark.
General Fawzi Shamari: b.1945/46. Commanded 9 divisions in the Iraq-Iraq war; admits that he used chemical weapons against Iran. Defected in 1986, and has since run a restaurant in Virginia. Based in Washington, working under the mantle of the "Iraqi Officers Movement" which favours guerrilla war inside Iraq.

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Who is the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq?
The Committee for the Liberation of Iraq has moved into a new office on Capitol Hill (just a block and a half from the EPIC office). Publicly, the committee’s mission is to “mobilize U.S. and international support for policies aimed at ending the aggression of Saddam Hussein and freeing the Iraqi people from tyranny.” The organization also claims to support the reconstruction of Iraq’s economy and the establishment of political pluralism, democratic institutions, and the rule of law. However, EPIC questions the real motives and the possible conflicts of interest of our new neighbor.

The Committee is chaired by Bruce Jackson, a man strongly connected to the defense industry – a sector of the U.S. economy that is already profiting enormously as a result of the military build-up in the Gulf. Between 1993 and 2002, Mr. Jackson was Vice President for Strategy and Planning at Lockheed Martin Corporation. In recent years, he has headed another defense-industry front group – the U.S. Committee on NATO, an organization dedicated to expanding NATO and with it, U.S. arms sales abroad.

Far from being concerned about the plight of the Iraqi people, the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq is a well-financed public relations effort to convince the American public that the Iraqi people must be “liberated” through U.S. military intervention. In addition to war profiteers like Lockeed Martin, EPIC believes this initiative can also be traced back to Vice President Dick Cheney and other Administration hardliners with economic interests in the oil and defense industries.

Board members and advisors of the Committee include Senator John McCain (R-AZ), Defense Policy Board Chairman Richard Perle, General Wayne Downing, Newt Gingrich, former CIA Director James Woolsey, Bill Kristol of the Weekly Standard, Teamsters President James Hoffa, Jr., retired General and former “Drug Czar” Barry McCaffrey, Dr. Bernard Lewis of Princeton University, and former Nebraska Senator Bob Kerrey (who currently serves as President of New School University in New York City).

For the December 10 Day of Action, EPIC is working to organize a full-day picket at the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq (918 Penn Ave. SE, Washington, DC) to publicly shame this latest front-group of the defense industry’s war lobby. A larger protest is planned later that day from 4:30 to 7:00 pm. If you can make it, please RSVP by contacting EPIC Alert coordinator Sara Willi at 202-543-6176. Throughout the day, the EPIC office will provide protest signs and hot chocolate for all who come.

To track the activities of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, visit their website at:

www.liberationiraq.org

And if the regime in Iraq is changed, then to what?

Ali wrote:”.. the capitalist government of US has been there for so long and with many different leaders, in addition to the support of many Americans and a fit economy, its virtually impossible to change the government, and if it was possible, change it to what?”

There is a very importance issue there. Is the criteria for overthrowing the Iraqi regime, advocated by a few on this list, that it hasn’t been there for so long, or that there haven’t been many leaders, or that the economy is not fit? If that is the case, then practically every Arab regime would qualify: monarchies and republics alike.

And is the other criteria the fact that it is easier to change the regime in Iraq, than the US?

And if the regime in Iraq is changed, then to what?
One led by Baqir al-Hakim and his group of sectarian zealots, whose understanding of justice is killing family members and cutting tongues of those who praised SH?
Who would lead Iraq?

Al-Hakim who issued a Fatwa, allowing cooperation with the US to overthrow the regime in Iraq?
Ahmad al-Chalabi who was convicted by Jordan for embezzling money from his own bank, and is publicly on the pay list of the CIA?
Wafiq al-Sammari, the ex chief of Iraq’s military intelligence who only “defected” in 1995?
Nizar Al-Khazraji, who was responsible for the Anfal Campaign?

Or Iyad Allawi, who himself was a devout member of the Ba’th party and a product of its principles?
Or Saad Salih Jabr, the son of the Prime Minster who signed the Portsmouth agreement with Britain, causing the death of hundreds of Iraqis?

The issue of the legality of US intervention, and the morality of the act doesn’t seem to be of importance. And that is strange, if not dangerous.

Ali then says:” Iraq, 35 years ago was a prosperous country, its political position was stable, economy was fit and people were reasonably wealthy.”

I am afraid this statement is not correct. 35 years ago, Iraq was under the rule of Abdul-Rahman Arif. His brother and predecessor, Abdul-Salaam Arif, died in a Helicopter crash in April 1967, which most Iraqis think was arranged by a foreign power, namely the British.
Iraq then wasn’t a prosperous country, unless you consider the measly money given by the American and British oil companies as prosperity.
Abdul-Rahman was an army officer, and chief of staff. He had no knowledge of politics, nor was ever a politician. He was outside Iraq when his brother got killed, and returned to be told he had become President. He was only the front for the US/British forces struggling over Iraq. And he was the first person to inherit a republic from his brother…
During Abdul-Rahman’s time, the police stormed colleges for the first time in Iraq’s history, violating the “sanctity” of those colleges. Students were attacked and arrested, simply because they went on strike. I was a student in a college in Baghdad, and we had to escape by climbing over the back fence to avoid being caught and interrogated by the police. Anyone who left the college campus was taken by the police; some were roughed up, some were questioned.

Iraq had suffered a budget deficit since 1955. The reason was perhaps huge investments in projects, but also because it had no control of its wealth; all went to US and British oil companies.

The government was at war with the Kurdish north, and the situation in the centre and south was not exactly great. There was a sense of discontent, because of the weak and corrupt government. Thus when the coup of 1968 came, it was no surprise to anyone.

Ali al-Hilli goes on to say:”In came the Baath party of Saddam.  What Iraq saw since then was war after war, continuous murder and executions of the Iraqi opposition by the regime, poverty, sanctions on the Iraqi people (not Saddam) and political instability.”

That statement carries more faults than truths. The Ba’ath part is not “of Saddam”. He wasn’t even the top man in 1968, though among the leadership.

One of the most important achievements of the regime was the nationalisation of Iraq’s oil, which restored the wealth to its people. That certainly is a great achievement, regardless of what we may think of the Ba’th regime.

War with Iran started only in 1980, and Iraq is not to blame alone. With a strong neighbour next to you, who has been a dangerous enemy for decades, and who threatens to export its revolution to you, it would seem natural that that would lead to tension in the area.

The Kurds never put down their arms; they have been fighting every Iraqi government since 1920, changing alliances with the wind... Once pro US, once pro Iran, once pro Soviet Union, and cooperating even with Israel. I am sure that if the Native Americans would now take up arms against the central government, demand autonomy or independence, and receive arms and funding from Cuba or China,  the US would wipe them out in the “democratic” residential areas, called “reservations”... Northern Ireland is a good example. Why do the British governments have the right to crush Northern Ireland’s demands for independence?

Until 1991, Iraq did not suffer from poverty. On the contrary, Iraq was an affluent society, suffering from over consumption… The markets were so flooded with goods, even Kuwaitis used to come to Iraq to buy subsidised goods. Government employees paid no income tax, and health and education services were the best in the area. I am repeating information that has been said many times before, but it seems necessary. Women were given a fully paid one year maternity leave, which no other country in the area gave… I lived those times, and I know what I am talking about.

The reference to the “popular uprising” is very misleading. Whenever it is mentioned, it is presented in such a way as to give the impression that the “people” rose out of their will. No one tells them the readers that Iran and Baqir al-Hakim group were involved, with thousands of “volunteers” brought into Iraq. In fact, the last group of Iranians captured in 1991 in southern Iraq was released only last March by Iraq…
The havoc this “uprising” created is matched only by the destruction done by the US and its allies. Would a person who loved his country go around destroying schools and burning their contents?

As to killings and executions of political opponents, then I must admit that I have always been against them. I have no understanding for that, and I have always condemned these acts. But if we look at the US itself, we can not forget that the same things happen there too. Let’s read the following:” "We must mark [Martin Luther King, Jr.] now, if we have not before, as the most dangerous Negro in the future of this Nation..." Assistant Director of the FBI, Wiliam C. Sullivan, 1963. It is no secret who was behind Mr. King’s assassination…

Blaming the death because of sanctions on Saddam is something not even the US does. We all remember Madeleine Albright’s famous statement, "...we think the price is worth it." - 60 Minutes, May 12, 1996.

Sanctions were imposed on August 6, 1990, with two conditions only: Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait, and negotiations between the two countries to solve their conflict. The Kuwaiti ruling family refused any negotiations. Iraq’s withdrawal was achieved, one way or another, on February 28, 1991. The conditions for the UN resolution were thus met. The US did not lift sanctions, but imposed them again with a new set of conditions, that continue to change and be interpreted all the time. The sanctions against Iraq, like the “military actions”, were to destroy Iraq and prevent it from posing any threat to Israel. This has been explained a million times, and the limitations on the range of Iraqi missiles is one good proof of that.
And to show that the Kuwaiti invasion had nothing to do with sanctions, see the following: "We do not agree that if Iraq complies with its obligations concerning weapons of mass destruction, sanctions should be lifted." --Madeleine Albright
from an essay by John Pilger (The Guardian 03/04/2000)

Ali asks: ”Is this what the Americans are going through? Don't get me wrong, I'm not a supporter of the US, but I think you cannot logically compare the atrocities in Iraq and US, mainly because of its different political history, society and religion.”

I suppose that by reading the history of the US, we can have quite a good picture of what has happened there.

Slaves being uprooted from their lands, and taken by force to serve the white settler, forcing them even to adopt another religion..

The original inhabitants of the land killed and displaced, and their lands taken by the white settler by force. Those people were moved by force into “reservations”, where they continue to be in the 21st century.

The oppression of minorities in the country. Discrimination and racism. The US refuses to sign the International agreement for the rights of Women and the International agreement for the rights of the child..

The US accuses Iraq of “killing its own citizens”. Let’s look at the following: “Having defined Utahns as a ‘low-use segment of the population’ the Atomic Energy Commission only tested bombs in the Nevada desert when the wind was blowing in the ‘right direction’ – over Utah. As the population developed cancers they were used for research.” American Ground Zero, Carole Gallagher.

Can’t we compare those atrocities?
Was it alright for the US to use nuclear bombs against Japan? Was it alright for the US to attack Vietnam?
The US has invaded Grenada and Panama, killing thousands of people for no reason. The US has used depleted uranium in Iraq, Yugoslavia and Afghanistan.
General Norman Schwarzkopf has said "I want every Iraqi soldier bleeding from every orifice." . Shouldn’t we compare those atrocities?

And in all honesty, I do not see what the “different political history, society and religion” has to do with comparing atrocities as such.

Freedom of expression was mentioned. American citizens were imprisoned simply because they were Communists. Vietnamese were killed just because they were communists. Cuba has been under siege simply because it believes in communism. People loose their jobs now simply because they question the legality or morality of the US war. People have been in prison in the US for months without trial and without charge just because they are Muslims or Arabs, suspected of terrorism…

And so, things are always relative. Everything depends on how you see things and how you interpret happenings. But whatever, the history we have lived through can not be changed nor invented. What I saw and heard myself can not be eradicated by any expert.

Finally, I leave you with an excellent comparison.
"Surely the extermination of Jews in gas chambers is not comparable to the slow death inflicted in Iraqi children by deprivation. But from another angle the latter is even more despicable. The genocide against Jews was perpetrated in the greatest secret and without the blessing of the "civilized world". The crimes against Iraqi civilians are committed in full day-light, with the blessing of the ruling "civilized nations" and with the tacit support of the educated classes in these nations. Those who keep silent and are legally able to speak up, are morally accomplices to this crime." -- Elias Davidsson, Musician and a Palestinian Jew, 4/16/1999 posted in the open forum of www.arabamerican.com

Regards to all..
Hassan Zeini

 

Hello,

I find the logic in this message and in similar ones difficult to understand.

While everyone expresses worry about Iraqis, the issues is in the end summarized into "removing Saddam". As if Iraq is only Saddam, not 26 million people. As if sanctions are not killing people.

Regime change is at the heart of discussion. It is an illegal act which no law or agreement in the world accepts. For someone who accepts to change a regime in one place, it must also mean agreeing to change the regime in other places. Would Sama agree to a regime change in Iran, for example, or Syria or Egypt or Saudi or Kuwait? Shi'a muslims are oppressed in Easetern Saudi Arabia and in Hijaz... The list is long. So where does the line stop??

I thought the whole discsussion in the world has been about Iraq's non-compliance with SC resolutions. Only the US talked of regime change, a thing which all states in the world rejected. The only people who supported it are part of the opposition groups.

What is being suggested here is that the US should violate international law and the sovereignty of a state, without a mandate from the people, and go by force to change a regime (no matter what we think of that regime). The US did that in Iran in the 1950s and in Chile in the 1970s and in numerous other places in the world. And we know what that brought and meant to the people. What is to stop Russia or China later on from the changing the same regime that the US installs in Iraq? Would that then be accepted by Sama?


The following sentence struck me as expressive of what Sama meant: "if the secret police ('amn) and the Republican Guard are symbollically bombed - thus removing the fear by which Saddam holds power - then this would be the best scenario for the US and for Iraqis because: a) it will be the quickest way to get rid of Saddam and thus better for the US, and b) it will cause the least amount of Iraqi civilian casualties.".

Since when has what is best for the US been what is best for the Iraqis? Are we here looking for what is best for the US? I thought our concern was the people of Iraq not the US!!!

The conclusion that :"Opposing a war on Saddam, calls - at least in the short term - for the current situation to remain: Saddam oppressiong and slaughtering Iraqis, sanctions starving the people" is mistaken. Opposing the war also means opposing sanctions, because sanctions are a weapon in war used to force Iraq to comply with US demands. To suggest that the alternative to unseating Saddam would be to continue sanctions suggests that the writer approves of contiunuing sanctions as long as Saddam is in power. That is what the US has always said...
Sama also says:"our interests (the removal of saddam and the lifting of sanctions) can only result from the same interests of the US policy to remove Saddam.." Since when has US policy coincided with "liberation movements" anywhere in the world? And what are the US interests in removing Saddam? And who but the US has advocated linking the lifting of sanctions to the removal of Saddam? What kind of Iraqi would support maintaining sanctions?

And I find it naive to believe that the US would change the regime and then let those "democrats" in the opposition take over without a price. When one watches those in the opposition debating on TV between themselves, one wonders if Saddam would eventually be better than those people. While in opposition and in exile, receieving salaries from the CIA and MI5, those people are already fighting with each other and accusing each other of treason. If while in the opposition they don't allow others to differ with them, what would they do when they are in power?? And when one knows that most of those "neo-deocrats" come from within the same regime, one would wonder what lies ahead for Iraq should those really take over..

I agree that we should campaign for democracy in Iraq, but not on the "proportional" lines suggested; we would have a government based on sectarian and ethnic divisions, where the lines are already drawn and where democracy is suspended. How can we achieve democracy if we already know that the selections would be on sectarian lines? Haven't we learned from the Lebanese example, where the same "proportional" division caused a civil war in the end? Do we want people to move into opposition on secctarian basis, simply because Iraq's majority are Shi'i?? This sounds to me very dangerous..
And it is also naive to think that the US would bend to public pressure and that any election would be democratic under US control, so that the US would find it difficult to install a puppet government. I suppose Sama is suggesting that if the US doesn't respect the people's decision, those people would kick it out or demonsrate against it? The elected democratic government of Chile was overthrown and thousands killed without as much as an apology from the US... Who cared for the will of the people?

Let us remember that Ricciardone told the opposition that even if Saddam is overthrown, sanctions will remain in place .... Thatcher said in 1992 that even if Iraq complies with all SC resolutions, sanctions should not be lifted... And Bolton recently said that Iraq would not be allowed to develop its arms industry even after Saddam is overthrown.

The perfect scenario would be for the world to intervene and prevent the US from forcing its will on sovereign states and nations. The perfect scenario would be for the sanctions to be lifted and for the genocide to end and for the blackmail of the Iraqis and Arabs to cease.... Short of that, the Iraqis will die, under Saddam or under Baqir al-Hakim...

Hassan Zeini 16/9/2002

Hassan Zeini: 13/09/2002

There is again a clear effort to draw us into side discussions through
personal attacks. This happens every time discussions over a new aggression against Iraq dominate the news. It seems there are some in the anti-sanctions lists who are delegated the job of distracting us from our objective. Perhaps that is where some of those CIA millions are going...

I am an Iraqi, and I declare here that the opinions expressed in the original message of Yasser are not mine, nor of those Iraqis whom I know and with whom I talked in Iraq, the US, Europe, Egypt and Syria.
The difference between us is that I was raised in Iraq where I lived most of my life. I left Iraq when Yasser was born.  My understanding is that Yasser was raised in the UK, and as a young man of 22, he still doesn't know about Iraq except what is told to him by a certain "group" of Iraqis.

To say "we, the Iraqi people, cannot get rid of Saddam Hussein", presupposes having some mandate to represent the Iraqis and talk in their name. That, I assure you, is not the case.

Let us not forget that the same people who are now opposing Saddam Hussein, were part of his regime and enjoyed the positions and the benefits they brought with them. Many of them supported Saddam and helped him get to the position where he is in now. Suddenly, in the 1990's they discover he was a bad guy... Of course
that is accepted. But it is not accepted when Scott Ritter changes his mind; he is accused of being bought...

Who are the opposition that are referred to:

As I explained in a previous post some time ago, they are groups of people who have no credibility inside Iraq or among Iraqis, nor even among Iraq's neighbors.

Who would trust a banker who emptied his bank into his pockets and escaped, and who would go jail if he sets foot in Jordan?

Who would trust the son of the former Prime Minister who sold his country to the British in an agreement that caused riots and the death of tens of Iraqis in Baghdad? All that man did since the 1950's was run a horse race track in the US....

Who would trust Iyad Allawi or Salah Omar al-Ali, two former Ba'athists and Saddam supporters, who fell off with Saddam for personal reasons?

Who would trust Wafiq al-Samarrai, Saddam's chief of Military Intelligence until 1994?

Who would trust Nizar Al-Khazraji, Saddam's Chief of Staff during the Kuwait crisis and the Gulf War and the commander of Anfal campaign

Who would trust Najib Al-Salihi, or Tawfiq al-Yassiri or the rest of officers who all served under Saddam, supported his regime, and got where they got because of being members in the Ba'ath Party?

Who would trust Sharif Ali Hussein, who wants to be king of Iraq? Iraqis never accepted King Faisal who was forced unto them by the British, and now someone who is not even eligible for the throne wants to claim it. The Rules of succession should thus be explained.

"The Iraqi Constitution (as amended in November 1943, and on which Sarif Ali seemingly bases his claim) stipulates that the Crown is only heritable by lawfully begotten males of Iraqi nationality, according to primogeniture, and from the family of King Faisal I of Iraq by his Queen. Failing male heirs of King Faisal, the next in succession being his brothers, the sons of King Hussein ibn 'Ali of the Hijaz, and their male issue, according to primogeniture, provided they were also Iraqi nationals."
Sharif Ali is the son of Princess Badi'a bin Ali and his father was Husain ibn Ali, an Egyptian by birth and nationality. He does not fulfill any of the above requirements...

And finally, who would trust Baqir al-Hakim and his group, who have no problem cooperating with the same powers that let them down, gassed them in 1918 and killed their brothers, in Iraq and Iran? Baqir al-Hakim has a party, on whose central committee sit a few Iranian officials, and who can not do anything without the approval of Iran. That man should rule Iraq? One of his advisers was Adel Abdul-Mahdi Al-Mintafji, another former Ba'athist, who decided to change sides..

Between 1958 and 1963, when Iraq was almost controlled by communists inside the army and around Abdul-Karim Qassem, almost all members of the Hakim family were communists. Simple Shi'is were convinced to become communists because those Shi'is who approached them told them that being a Shiu'i (communist) meant also being a Shi'i.
A group of Shi'i Ba'athists and Arab Nationalists approached the then Shi'i supreme spiritual leader, Sayyed Muhsin Al-Hakim (the father of Baqir), asking him to intervene and state that Communism was not in line with Islamic teachings. He refused... Now the same people are suddenly either devout Muslims, or human rights activists...

Until those in the opposition can find respectable people with a clean history to represent them, they will not enjoy any support nor gain respect from anyone.

Perhaps it is comical when people say "let the Iraqi people decide", but it is not as criminal as saying that bloodshed from a US aggression against Iraq is acceptable, because blood will be shed anyway. Well, it is not their blood that will be shed, so who cares. Iraqis can die, by sanctions or bombs, while they live in comfort in the US and the UK, enjoying millions from the CIA and fighting
Saddam by telepathy...

My enemy's enemy is not necessarily my friend. Syria tried that in 1990-1991, only to discover how wrong it was. Having cooperated with the US against Iraq, pressure against it increased instead of decreasing, and it is threatened more now that before. Only the simple minded don't learn from history.

Regards
Hassan

Traitor: is someone who betrays his country and cooperates with the enemy during war between his country and that enemy. This is the worst crime anywhere in the world. In the US, which is supporting those people with money and even arms and encouraging them to betray their country, this crime is punishable by death..

Iraq: Funding For Iraqi Opposition Groups (Taken question)
(EXCERPT) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesman For
Immediate Release
May 2, 2002
Question Taken at May 1, 2002 Daily Press Briefing
Iraq: Funding For Iraqi Opposition Groups
Question: Can you provide a list of Iraqi opposition groups other than
the Iraqi National Congress that receive US funding?
Answer: The U.S. government has provided roughly $11.6 million to groups other than the Iraqi National Congress as part of broader effort to work towards our objective of achieving a different government for the Iraqi people. Much of this money has gone towards advancing a war crimes case against Saddam Hussein and the senior
Iraqi leadership. Among the recipients of these funds are INDICT, the Iraq Foundation, Iraq Press, AMAR, Washington Kurdish Institute, Iraqi Jurists Association, and the Alliance Internationale pour Justice.
See
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/ for all press statements

STORIES ON Iraqi opposition

On Thu Feb 14, 2002, the following post by "alamir" appeared:

``In today's Swisspaper "24 Hours", an article mentions that a swiss
national of Kurdish origin has filed suit against General Nizar AlKhazraji in Danish courts.  Mr. Ismet Chériff Vanly accuses the general of crimes against humanity.  Mr. Vanly claims that the US chosen general to replace Saddam was the one who led the armed campaign against the kurds in the North of Iraq beteen 1987 and 1988 which caused the death of thousands. During that period Khazraji was amongst those responsible for the Northern Bureau based at Kirkuk and directed by Saddam's cousin, Ali Hassan Al Majeed. In 1993 The Organization Human Rights Watch presented a report to the US Congress entitled, "Genocide in Iraq, the campaign 'Anfal' against
the Kurds."  The report designated General Al Khazraji as directly responsible for the massacre. General Al Khazraji left Iraq in 1991 to settle in Denmark.''

On February 14, 2002, AFP apparently reported that a Danish party had "called on the government to prevent a former Iraqi general under investigation by Danish police for alleged involvement in Kurdish massacres from leaving the country."  "Danish deputy Soeren Soendergaard, from the left-wing Unity List, called on the Danish justice minister to guarantee that the former general must remain in the country until police rule out his involvement in war crimes. 
The 63-year-old is under investigation for alleged involvement in the
massacre of Kurds in the north of Iraq between 1987 and 1989." (try
searching AFP 2/14/02)

On February 23, 2002, Brian Whitaker of The Guardian wrote:

``General Khazraji, formerly Saddam's chief of staff, fled to the west in 1996 and was eventually granted political asylum in Denmark. There are claims that he was reluctant to leave Iraq, but that the CIA induced him to do so with promises of a major political role. The main Kurdish parties, the KDP and PUK, apparently support him, but a smaller Kurdish group has sought to have him prosecuted for war crimes. This relates to his alleged role in the use of chemical weapons against the Kurdish town of Halabja in 1988. Gen Khazraji says the allegations have been invented by Iraqi intelligence services. Some in the Iraqi opposition say he may have scuppered his political chances in a recent interview by appearing too eager to take over from Saddam - he described it as an honour and "a sacred duty".'' ("After Saddam", Brian Whitaker, 2-23-02)

It is sort of interesting the two main Kurdish parties support him.

The following was an AP story that evidently ran earlier this month, which provides more details about al-Khazraji.

-Ed

---------------------------------
Ex-General Works to Topple Saddam
By JAN M. OLSEN
.c The Associated Press
SOROE, Denmark (AP) - The highest officer to defect from Iraq maintains contact with the fragmented opposition abroad while defending himself against allegations of war crimes from his home in exile in this Scandinavian country.

Gen. Nizar al-Khazraji, Iraqi chief of staff from 1986 to 1990, said Saddam Hussein's days as a dictator are numbered but wouldn't discuss exactly how the regime could be toppled.

``I can't talk about details. Next year this time of the year, we will be home,'' al-Khazraji said in an interview with The Associated Press in Soroe, 60 miles outside Copenhagen.

Al-Khazraji, who insists he want no career in politics, said he was fired as head of the Iraqi army in 1990 but kept as a military adviser to Saddam. He said he criticized the invasion of Kuwait that led to the 1991 Gulf War and was eventually placed under house arrest. He fled from Baghdad in 1995.

After settling in Jordan, the general met with various groups in the fragmented Iraqi opposition in Europe and the Middle East, but said he has not joined a specific group.

In July 1999, al-Khazraji, his wife and son sought political asylum in Denmark. The government rejected his request because of suspicions that he may have been responsible for the use of chemical weapons against Iraqi Kurds in the late 1980s. He was allowed to stay in Denmark while the government investigates to determine whether he should face war crimes charges.

Immigration Minister Bertel Haarder said al-Khazraji would not be allowed to return to Denmark if he leaves, except in ``special circumstances.''

Al-Khazraji maintained the allegations were planted by the Iraqi regime to discredit him with the opposition. He said he had no authority over units involved in the attack. ``It was directly organized by Saddam Hussein and (his confidant) Ali Hassan al-Majid,'' al-Khazraji said.

The general said opposition representatives visited him in January and he has kept in touch with them by telephone and fax. He welcomed U.S. support for the opposition but was hesitant to endorse direct American military action.

``We don't want any collateral damage,'' he said. ``We want Saddam
Hussein toppled, but it doesn't mean that we want the Iraqis to suffer.''

Where is the opposition in Iraq? Pursuing its own vicious quarrels, writes Said Aburish

- New Statesman (U.K.) - A tale of 70 factions and 400 suits - Said Aburish 

President Bush, beware: if you really want to extend the Afghan war to Iraq, you should know that the nightmarish internal politics of Afghanistan are as nothing compared with those of Iraq. The Northern
Alliance may not be a very palatable alternative to the Taliban, but it has a certain rough credibility. There is no equivalent in Iraq.

Over the two years I spent writing his biography (Saddam Hussein: the politics of revenge), I got to know Saddam's opponents. They are such a corrupt, feckless and out-of-touch lot that they make the Butcher of Baghdad look good.

The four million Iraqi Kurds are divided into two tribes, the followers of Massoud Barazani (Kurdistan Democratic Party) and those of Jalal Talabani (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan). Together, they occupy a large enclave in northern Iraq where they have conducted an on-and-off civil war for years. Barazani and Talabani disagree, often bloodily, over how to divide the money they get from the CIA, which pays them to keep Saddam off balance. They fight over the proceeds from smuggling goods, including oil, between Iraq and Turkey. And they compete for the bribes Saddam offers them.

Their hostility to each other keeps them from doing anything to bring down the Iraqi regime. In fact, they choose to forget that Saddam used chemical weapons against them, and shamelessly accept financial and military support from him. They even accept financial help from Iran.

Iraq's Shi'as, 60 per cent of the population, are equally split. Some want an Iraq with close ties to Shi'a Iran; others insist they are Arabs and that, to succeed, they should depend on fellow Arabs, namely Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. A third group believes in co-operating with the US, and accordingly gets paid for it. The US and UK are reluctant to help the two Shi'a groups that command real followings inside Iraq, largely because Daawa and the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq are Islamic fundamentalist.

In addition to the Kurds and Shi'as, there are more than 70 other "opposition" parties. Some are made up of Saddam's old cronies, people who turned against him after they lost their jobs. To make a living,
they accept the backing of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. They publish newspapers and magazines no one reads. They have no offices or followers. In private conversation, they admit that their cause is hopeless.

Other anti-Saddam parties are led by former Iraqi army officers; some are Saddam-appointed generals, people who rose through the ranks because of their loyalty to him, rather than any military competence. Their reasons for opposing him are also mostly personal - demotions or sackings.

The last anti-Saddam faction is made up of old politicians who left Iraq in the 1950s, when the monarchy was overthrown. Having lived abroad most of their lives, the leaders of these groups know very little about Iraq and its people. According to one of them, Saddam should not rule Iraq because he came from a poor background and "we don't even know who his father is". Another claims that Saddam is an undercover Mossad agent, part of "a Jewish conspiracy to destroy Iraq".

These are the groups the United States is trying to unite under one command capable of toppling Saddam, as the Iraqi National Congress (INC). Over the past ten years, they have met in Vienna, Salahuddin in northern Iraq, at Windsor and, most notably, in New York in October 1999.

The participants frequently walk out during these meetings; the men quarrel over who got most of the $96m allocated by the US to Saddam's opponents under the Iraq Liberation Act. One of the delegates at the New York meeting told me about the former INC chairman Ahmad Chalabi: "He takes more than his share, much more than his share, and I get nothing. Just look at the way he dresses. They say Saddam has 300 suits; well, this guy has 400."

Last year, both Frank Ricciardone, the former head of the Iraq desk at the US State Department, and General Anthony Zinni, the former head of the US Central Command, stated that the Iraqi opposition to Saddam was incapable of toppling him. Yet now, with 11 September and the war on terror, Washington's commitment to overthrow Saddam is growing stronger by the day. As a result, the United States is re-energising the idea that these groups can replace a regime which runs one of the most
tightly organised security systems in the world.

But this is a fiction. Recently, I examined my notes of the lengthy interviews I conducted with 82 Iraqi opposition leaders. I began identifying those on my list whose thinking resembles Saddam's. To my
horror, I decided that 75 of the people I interviewed were men who would kill to achieve their goal.

Poor Iraq. Even if Saddam goes, Saddamism, corruption and violence are there to stay.

James Woolsey's law firm represents the INC
 
James Woolsey, former CIA Director and prominent 'attack Iraq' proponent, is a partner in the law firm of Shea & Gardner.  Shea & Gardner is registered as a "Foreign Agent" for the Iraqi National Congress.  See:
James Woolsey's profile at the firm of Shea and Gardner
 http://www.sheagardner.com/fsl5cs/XMLAttorneyProfile.asp?guid=I15E3ABC61DD211B287875000120D5739>

Shea and Gardner's registration as representative of the Iraqi National Congress:
http://www.usdoj.gov/criminal/fara/fara2nd00/COUNTRY/IRAQ.HTM>
 
Shea and Gardner's notification is required under the terms of FARA (the Foreign Agents Registration Act).  FARA attempts to "insure that the American public and its law makers know the source of information (propaganda) intended to sway public opinion, policy, and laws. In 1938, the FARA was Congress' response to the large number of German propaganda agents in the pre-WWII U.S." http://www.usdoj.gov/criminal/fara/q_A.htm>
 
The leading web e-zine, Salon, today leads with profile of Woolsey.  It's a puff piece, reprinting every half-truth shopped by the INC and nowhere (at this writing) disclosing Woolsey's relationship.  Submit letters, please, online at www.salon.com.
 
Regards,
Drew Hamre
Golden Valley, MN USA

US picks Saddam's successor: Report
 
AFP [ MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2002  1:29:51 PM ]
 
UBAI: Former Iraqi army chief of staff General Nizar Khazraji has been picked by the United States to run Iraq after the overthrow of President Saddam Hussein, a newspaper reported Monday.

Khazraji, who lives in exile in Denmark, "is the favoured candidate" among 62 ex-officers earmarked by Washington as potential leaders, Al-Hayat daily said, quoting Iraqi opposition sources in Damascus.

Contacts have been made with the general who enjoys "virtual unanimous support in Kurdish, Shiite and Sunnite circles", the London-based paper reported.

However another exile, General Najib al-Salhi, who lives in Jordan, is also seen as a potential "Karzai" for Iraq, said the sources, referring to Hamid Karzai, the leader of the interim Afghan government installed after the United States ousted the Taliban regime.

Al-Salhi "recently went to New York for contacts with the Americans," said Al-Hayat, which is Saudi-owned.

Several countries in the Middle East and the West have had consultations with exiled Iraqi officers to prepare for a possible regime change in Baghdad, it added.

The United States has threatened to extend its anti-terror war to Iraq and openly calls for Saddam Hussein's overthrow.

However one of the main stumbling blocks is the weakness of Iraq's opposition, which has been silenced within the country and unable to unite into an effective force abroad.

LAWSUIT AGAINST General Nizar Alkhazraji (23/3/02)

Friends

In today's Swisspaper "24 Hours", an article mentions that a swiss national of Kurdish origin has filed suit against General Nizar AlKhazraji in Danish courts. Mr. Ismet Chériff Vanly accuses the general of crimes against humanity.

Mr. Vanly claims that the US chosen general to replace Saddam was the one who led the armed campaign against the kurds in the North of Iraq beteen 1987 and 1988 which caused the death of thousands. During that period Khazraji was amongst those responsible for the Northern Bureau based at Kirkuk and directed by Saddam's cousin, Ali Hassan Al Majeed.

In 1993 The Organization Human Rights Watch presented a report to the US Congress entitled, "Genocide in Iraq, the campaign"Anfal"against the Kurds." The report designated General Al Khazraji as directly responsible for the massacre.

General Al Khazraji left Iraq in 1991 to settle in Denmark.

My opinion: All this US Admin. talk is nothing but an empty bag blabla.

It is is merely to satisfy some public opinion thirsty for some more blood.  Iraq is not Haiti. And Saddam Hussain is no Jean Bertrand Aristide.  Remove
all the sanctions against Iraq and Saddam will either be toppled or forced to
introduce the necessary political, economical and social reforms.

But the question remains: "Why should the USA overthrow Saddam who is
the only reason to justify the presence of US bases in the Gulf "tribal" States?"

Regards

Washington fetes its enemy's enemy - Doubts about Iraqi opposition leader's probity are put to one side

Like many people in Washington these days, Ahmed Chalabi has a plan to get rid of Saddam Hussein. The Iraqi opposition leader just needs 11 weeks of training for his followers, anti-tank weapons, air cover, the support of special forces and some protective gear against chemical or biological attack.

Mr Chalabi is confident that he will get all he seeks. In the current political climate, he has been feted from one end of Washington to the other as the man of the hour.

But the drums of war cannot entirely drown out persistent questions over his integrity. There are some in Washington who doubt that the 57-year-old former mathematician and banker even has a guerrilla force to command any more, and suggest that his war plan is simply the latest in a series of confidence tricks designed to squeeze money out of the US government.

Many of the doubters work in the state department and the CIA, which view his Iraqi National Congress (INC) with ill-disguised contempt. But as the resolve to fight President Saddam spreads in Washington, Mr Chalabi's adversaries have been on the defensive, while his backers in the Pentagon, Congress and White House have brushed away the nagging questions - at least for the time being.

Only days before George Bush's recent bellicose state of the union message, the state department had threatened to cut off the INC's funding because of bookkeeping irregularities. But by January 30, the doubts were overtaken by patriotic resolve. Anyone prepared to fight the Baghdad regime was embraced, and on that very day Mr Chalabi had his funding restored.

As for his war plan, he said he was "encouraged by the response". Wheels have begun to turn, Mr Chalabi confided, but he could not give details.

"The United States will help us to train and equip light anti-tank battalions, well-trained and highly mobile. Those people, once on the ground, will be able to defeat Saddam's forces."

It would take 11 weeks to train and equip those forces, he added.
In the course of a 90-minute interview, a confident Mr Chalabi frequently laughed, and discussed the defeat of the 400,000-strong Iraqi army as if it was a mere formality. In his view, President Saddam's army was hollow - packed with ill-trained conscripts.

Mr Chalabi gave a theoretical example: a rebel incursion across the Kuwaiti border to capture a frontier town. The rebel force would be protected from counter-attack by US air power, and within days the key southern city of Basra would fall as its garrison mutinied.
"Once that happens, our problem will not be finding people - our problem will be absorbing people," he said.
His main concern was retaliation with chemical or biological weapons, and he would want his men to be trained and equipped to protect themselves, he said.

First of all, however, Mr Chalabi has to survive the doubters in Washington.
Questions about his probity are part of the problem. He was convicted in a Jordanian court about 10 years ago for embezzling money from depositors in a banking scandal. More recently, the state department found that about half of a $4m ( £2.8m) disbursement in US funding was not properly accounted for.

Mr Chalabi said he was the victim of a setup in Jordan by cronies of the late King Hussein. The accounting issue was dismissed as the quibbles of a bureaucracy which was ill-suited to a covert war, in which few receipts were issued.

The more serious question, given Washington's stated aim of "regime change", is whether he can rally opposition forces.

Leith Kubba, who helped Mr Chalabi to found the INC a decade ago, but who left after concerns that it was becoming a US foreign policy tool, has serious doubts. He believes that the only substantial rebel forces in Iraq are commanded by the Kurdish Democratic party leader, Massoud Barzani, and the Tehran-based Shi'ite cleric, Mohammed Bakr Hakim. "These people dictate the agenda," Mr Kubba said.

Both Mr Barzani's party and Mr Hakim's Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq are formally INC affiliates, but that does not mean that they take Mr Chalabi's orders.

Mr Chalabi lost credibility after orchestrating an uprising in northern Iraq in 1995, only to be abandoned by the CIA, acting on government orders. The insurgency, and the INC's presence in the country, was swept aside by Iraq in 1996.

Six years on, Mr Chalabi must perform a double act: convince Washington that he has support in Iraq while persuading sceptical resistance leaders that Washington is serious this time.

It is an impresario's job, and for that at least, he has the perfect background.
Ahmed Chalabi is seeking weapons and expertise from the US Photograph: Mike Nelson/AFP.


Source: GUARDIAN 22/02/2002 P17

America 'chasing phantoms' in Iraq says arms expert
By Robert Fisk in Beirut
17 February 2002

Scott Ritter, America's former top arms inspector in Iraq, has a neat phrase for Saddam's regime. The "phantom threat", he calls it. And he backs up his argument with an impressive assault on the credentials of Ahmed Chalabi, the head of Iraq's opposition in exile, whose bogus claims of defectors "proving" Iraq's connection to the 11 September mass murders are persuading Washington to put Saddam on America's next hit list.

Scott Ritter's damning evidence late last month should be taken seriously in the White House, even if Mr Ritter did once admit that he shared intelligence on the UN's Iraqi arms inspections with the Israelis. It was Mr Chalabi, he claimed, who promoted the Iraqi-Bin Laden connection by publicising the alleged meeting in Prague between an Iraqi intelligence agent and the soon-to-be 11 September suicide pilot Mohamed Atta. Mr Ritter says that the subject of their discussion - supposedly an attack on the anti-Saddam Radio Free Europe transmitter in Prague - was a far cry from the 11 September attacks and that the Czech government's reports on this supposed meeting were conflicting.

Far more seriously, Mr Ritter says that when he was arms inspector, he was tasked to liaise with Mr Chalabi and the "Iraqi National Congress" to gather intelligence information - "more flash than substance" as Mr Ritter puts it - from Mr Chalabi's defectors. Among the latter was a supposed engineer who helped to build a network of underground tunnels beneath Saddam's palaces, all packed with documents on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. Mr Ritter's men dutifully went after the treasure
trove of files. They found one drainage tunnel and no documents.

When Deputy Secretary of State Paul Wolfowitz needed a link between Iraq and the 11 September attacks, Mr Ritter says, Mr Chalabi discovered "defectors" who knew of the training of "Arab" hijackers by Iraqi intelligence at a facility near the Iraqi town of Salman Pak, complete with a commercial airliner that was used by would-be air pirates using only knives and - a lovely touch, this, in view of 11 September -
practising only in "groups of five". The Salman Pak facility exists, Mr Ritter says, but its use as an al-Qa'ida training camp has never been substantiated.

The UN, Mr Ritter reveals, "stopped using Chalabi's information as a basis for conducting inspections once the tenuous nature of his sources and his dubious motivations became clear". Mr Chalabi's "sponsors", according to Mr Ritter in the Christian Science Monitor, are Mr Wolfowitz, former CIA director James Woolsey, and former Under Secretary of State Richard Perle, who rejoices in the nickname of "Prince of Darkness".

En wat doet die oppositie zoal ?

BAGHDAD: Opposition forces target oil installations
Forces opposed to the regime of President Saddam Hussein have carried out six acts of sabotage against Iraqi oil installations since last August, the opposition Iraqi National Congress said Tuesday.

The London-based INC said two targets at the Biji refinery, 190 kilometres (120 miles) north of Baghdad, were "hit by missiles resulting in a huge blaze" on January 23

"After this attack, over 300 oil workers were arrested for interrogation. All workers of Kurdish and Turkoman ethnic origin were dismissed," it said.

Two explosions rocked the Biji refinery, Iraq's largest, on January 17, and "one of the key pieces of equipment in the refinery and products unit was sabotaged," it added.

The INC added that between August and November 2001, a series of explosions hit pipelines in the northern Kirkuk oilfields and the southern Basra province, as well as a truck-fuelling stop in western Iraq.

AFP 12/02/2002 18:12:35
http://www.worldoil.com/news/newsstory.asp?ref=http://62.172.78.184/feeds/worldoil/new/article_e.asp?energy24=247328